clean energy – Asia Pacific Metalworking Equipment News | Manufacturing | Automation | Quality Control https://www.equipment-news.com As Asia’s number one English metalworking magazine, Asia Pacific Metalworking Equipment News (APMEN) is a must-read for professionals in the automotive, aerospace, die & mould, oil & gas, electrical & electronics and medical engineering industries. Sun, 12 May 2024 23:54:50 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.5.3 Thailand May Be The Next Manufacturing Base With Japan’s Support https://www.equipment-news.com/thailand-may-be-the-next-manufacturing-base-with-japans-support/ Sun, 12 May 2024 23:30:05 +0000 https://www.equipment-news.com/?p=32975 Thailand Commerce Ministry invited members of the Japan Business Federation, also known as “Keidanren”, to invest in manufacturing medical equipment, railway, aircraft, innovation, and clean-energy industries. Source: The Nation Thailand The event highlighted the kingdom’s suitability as manufacturing base under…

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Thailand Commerce Ministry invited members of the Japan Business Federation, also known as “Keidanren”, to invest in manufacturing medical equipment, railway, aircraft, innovation, and clean-energy industries.

Source: The Nation Thailand


The event highlighted the kingdom’s suitability as manufacturing base under modern global trends. Thai trade delegates led by Deputy PM and Commerce Minister Phumtham Wechayachai met with executives of Keidanren, led by Suzuki Jun, chair of Japan-Thailand Trade and Economic Committee at Imperial Hotel in Tokyo.

During the meeting, Phumtham underscored Japan was Thailand’s third-largest trade partner last year, while accumulated investment amount from Japanese corporations made up for 25% of the kingdom’s total foreign investment, more than any other country.

He invited Japanese business leaders to invest in Thailand as well as visit the country to witness its potential. The Thai government has facilitated this by exempting visa requirements for Japanese visiting Thailand for up to 30 days since 1 January 2024, he added.

Phumtham said Thailand possesses readiness to be a manufacturing and exporting bases for various industries, adding that the government has prepared and promoted Thai entrepreneurs for new global trends that focus on green business, sustainable manufacturing, low-carbon emission and the use of renewable energy.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Perspectives On Clean Energy And Their Supply Chains https://www.equipment-news.com/perspectives-on-clean-energy-and-their-supply-chains/ Wed, 05 Apr 2023 02:57:56 +0000 https://www.equipment-news.com/?p=29131 The latest Energy Technology Perspectives 2023 report by International Energy Agency (IEA) places substantial spotlight on clean energy, and their technology supply chains. The IEA released their Energy Technology Perspectives 2023 for tomorrow’s clean technology industries — a comprehensive analysis…

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The latest Energy Technology Perspectives 2023 report by International Energy Agency (IEA) places substantial spotlight on clean energy, and their technology supply chains.

The IEA released their Energy Technology Perspectives 2023 for tomorrow’s clean technology industries — a comprehensive analysis of global manufacturing of clean energy technologies such as solar panels, wind turbines, electric vehicle (EV) batteries, electrolysers for hydrogen and heat pumps, plus their global supply chains. It also projects how they are likely to evolve as the clean energy transition advances in the years ahead.

Beginning With Electric Vehicle (EV) Batteries

Sales of EVs doubled to 6.6 million in 2021 and exceeded 10 million in 2022. Of these, most were full battery EVs, accounting for over 70 percent, with hybrids taking the remaining as the latter caters for internal combustion engines (ICE). Though the production of EVs involves manufacturing of specialty components not used for ICE, the battery is the most critical component.

The rapid sales increase in EV, and Russia-Ukraine conflict have tested the resilience of battery supply chains, though output has managed to keep up with demand. Global demand for automotive Li-ion batteries doubled to 340 GWh in 2021.

China dominates the EV battery manufacturing and supply chain, except for metals mining to make cathode materials. Two thirds of global battery cell production, as well as some 80 percent of the cathode production and over 90 percent of anode material is in China.

Europe is responsible for 25 percent of EV production, but holds minimal in the supply chain apart from cobalt processing, which has a share of around 16 percent (mostly in Belgium and Finland). United States occupies 10 percent of EV and battery production capacity, while Korea and Japan have considerable shares of the supply chain downstream of raw material processing, particularly in cathode and anode material production.

Korea holds 13 percent of global cathode and 3 of anode material production capacity while Japan accounts for 14 percent (cathode) and 10 (anode). China exports significant amounts of EVs and batteries. The top five battery manufacturers, headquartered in Korea, China or Japan, hold over 50 percent of global manufacturing capacity, with Contemporary Amperex Technology Company Limited (CATL), holding around 15 percent.

 

Read more here —–> https://t.ly/epsx

 

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Automakers Dream Of Clean, Green, Mean Electric Machines https://www.equipment-news.com/automakers-dream-of-clean-green-mean-electric-machines/ Thu, 09 Jun 2022 04:00:08 +0000 https://www.equipment-news.com/?p=25933  An electric car is a clean car, right? If only it were so simple. Reporting By Nick Carey and Barbara Lewis; Editing by Pravin Char From motor magnets with toxic histories to batteries made using copious fossil-fuel power, many challenges…

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 An electric car is a clean car, right? If only it were so simple.

Reporting By Nick Carey and Barbara Lewis; Editing by Pravin Char

From motor magnets with toxic histories to batteries made using copious fossil-fuel power, many challenges face carmakers seeking to purge dirtier materials from their supply chains to satisfy regulators and investors.

These obstacles represent opportunities for a growing group of companies in the electric vehicle (EV) ecosystem that bet they can capitalise on that demand.

They include Advanced Electric Machines (AEM) in northern England, which is working with Volkswagen (VOWG_p.DE) luxury brand Bentley and others in the auto industry to develop recyclable electric motors free of rare earth metals, which are often produced using polluting chemicals.

“Our customers need ways to ditch internal combustion engines that are cost-effective and sustainable without putting tons of this nasty rare earth stuff into their cars,” CEO James Widmer said.

The increasing scrutiny of supply chains comes as the European Union, which announced draft laws last year to enforce net-zero emissions targets, considers charging for excess carbon on imports, as well as legislation requiring ethical sourcing and a recycling plan for EV batteries.

Globally, the prospect looms of national carbon taxes that could cost lagging automakers dearly, while investors and financiers increasingly favour companies with strong environmental, social and governance (ESG) credentials.

“The focus on ESG has become more intense,” said Moshiel Biton, CEO of Israeli battery technology company Addionics, which makes three-dimensional electrodes that Biton says are more efficient, making cleaner but less energy-dense battery chemistries commercially viable.

“But it’s nothing compared to what’s coming.”

Yet it remains to be seen how many of the companies looking to tap the market for cleaning up electric cars will succeed in a rapidly evolving EV technology arena; what’s cutting edge today could be obsolete tomorrow.

Given the fierce competition, any projects not advanced enough at the right time will risk missing their chance, according to MacMurray Whale, environmental sustainability strategist at Cormark Securities in Toronto.

“You won’t be able to attract the investor interest because there’s a lot of them and they’re all trying to argue they’re the best,” he said.

‘ROAD MAP TO NET ZERO’

The demand is real, though, from carmakers who face a daunting task to navigate the challenges of making everything from steel to aluminium using cleaner processes, to finding less environmentally damaging battery chemistries.

“We only source new business with suppliers with a road map to net zero,” said Andy Palmer, an electric vehicle pioneer who is CEO of Switch Mobility, a British-based EV maker owned by Indian commercial vehicle maker Ashok Leyland (ASOK.NS).

Switch buys credits to offset the carbon used to make metal components and factors in that cost when assessing new parts, he added.

Squeezing carbon out of the supply chain is a “vital part” of BMW’s carbon-reduction strategy, sustainability vice president Thomas Becker said.

The German carmaker has negotiated with all its battery suppliers and many of its steel and aluminium suppliers that their materials are made using renewable energy, Becker told a conference in London in March.

Employees at Advanced Electric Machines work on test models of a motor for an electric vehicle that does not include either rare earth magnets or copper and uses electrical steel and aluminium instead, in Washington, Britain, November 26, 2021. Picture taken November 26, 2021. REUTERS/Nick Carey

Employees at Advanced Electric Machines work on test models of a motor for an electric vehicle that does not include either rare earth magnets or copper and uses electrical steel and aluminium instead, in Washington, Britain, November 26, 2021. Picture taken November 26, 2021. REUTERS/Nick Carey

The problem with EVs is they are so carbon intensive to make, they have to drive thousands of miles before they do less harm to the environment than a gas-guzzling saloon. read more

BMW has measured the CO2 footprint throughout its supply chain. If it took no action, its footprint per vehicle would be 18 tonnes of CO2 in 2030, versus 12 tonnes per vehicle in 2019, according to the carmaker. But its carbon reduction plans should cut that number to nine tonnes by 2030, it says.

The need for greener EVs has sent some carmakers back to the drawing board.

Pennsylvania-based engineering company Ansys (ANSS.O), which develops modelling software for various industries, has seen surging demand from carmakers seeking to simulate cars and components with greener or lighter materials, such as aluminium instead of steel, said Pepi Maksimovic, director of application engineering.

“There’s an intensification of the effort to address these issues in terms of … bringing better cleaner, greener, meaner technology to the market faster, earlier,” she added.

‘CARBON TAX IS COMING’

Previous corporate sustainability efforts have often been derided as vague and as “greenwashing”.

Costa Caldis, chief operating officer of supply chain tracing company SAFE, said carmakers were moving in the right direction, but not fast enough.

“Stakeholders are demanding supply chain visibility and not just statements.”

Douglas Johnson-Poensgen, CEO of Circulor, which maps supply chains for the likes of BMW and Volvo (VOLCARb.ST), said financing from investors was increasingly tied to ESG targets.

“Everybody recognises they need to know where they’re sourcing things from and what they’re inheriting from their supply chain.”

Makram Azar, CEO of London-based investment group Full Circle Capital, said companies in the auto sector that “tick all the right ESG boxes” should find raising capital easier.

“Big asset managers who have allocated huge sums of money to invest in ESG compliant companies have found there aren’t enough of them,” said Azar.

More carbon levies could help to change that.

Full Circle has invested in Britishvolt, a British startup that’s building an EV battery plant that will run only using renewable energy.

Peter Rolton, Britishvolt’s executive chairman, said national governments would need alternatives to fuel taxes that raise vast sums, and taxing carbon would help to squeeze it out of supply chains.

“Carbon taxation is an inevitable part of a 2050 net-zero vision,” he added. “You can see that one coming.”

MINING IN MADAGASCAR

AEM, based in Washington, a city with roots in northeast England’s industrial history, has developed a recyclable motor for EVs using electrical steel and aluminium instead of copper and magnets, thus removing rare earth metals. CEO Widmer said AEM’s motors would be cheaper than conventional ones and in carmakers’ tests have been up to 15% more efficient.

As well as the environmental considerations, many carmakers and suppliers want to reduce reliance on China, which controls 90% of global rare earths metals supply. read more

China’s dominance extends to graphite, crucial for anodes for EV batteries, which is typically produced using electricity from coal.

Canadian-listed mine developer NextSource (NEXT.TO) plans to start commercial production of graphite in Madagascar from 2023 to capitalise on demand from companies looking to diversify supplies.

Executive vice president Brent Nykoliation said contracts with carmakers should be lucrative and long as they seek to lock in supplies tailor-made to their requirements.

“The conversation has changed dramatically in the last 12 months,” Nykoliation said, referring to carmakers’ engagement with mineral production.

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Biden Proposes $1.8 billion Indo-Pacific Strategy https://www.equipment-news.com/biden-proposes-1-8-billion-indo-pacific-strategy/ Mon, 11 Apr 2022 00:47:54 +0000 https://www.equipment-news.com/?p=25025 US President Joe Biden recently proposed USD 1.8 billion to support his Indo-Pacific Strategy along with another USD 400 million to counter the malign Chinese behaviour. Both are part of the USD 773 billion annual defence budget of the US…

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US President Joe Biden recently proposed USD 1.8 billion to support his Indo-Pacific Strategy along with another USD 400 million to counter the malign Chinese behaviour.


Both are part of the USD 773 billion annual defence budget of the US for the year 2023, which was submitted by the White House to the Congress as part of its annual budgetary proposals.

“In the Indo-Pacific, America is strengthening its role and expanding its cooperation with longtime allies and partners,  including new diplomatic, defence and security, critical and emerging technology and supply chain, and climate and global health initiatives, while supporting stronger ties between our European and Indo Pacific allies,” Biden said.

The President has prioritized strategic competition with China and worked with allies and partners to resist coercion and deter aggression from Beijing and Moscow, and has ended America’s 20-year war in Afghanistan while removing all US troops, the White House said. The budget, the White House said, promotes integrated deterrence in the Indo-Pacific and globally. To sustain and strengthen deterrence, the budget prioritizes China as the Department’s pacing challenge.

To support American leadership in defending democracy, freedom, and security worldwide, the Budget includes nearly USD 1.8 billion to support a free and open, connected, secure, and resilient Indo-Pacific Region and the Indo-Pacific Strategy, and USD 400 million for the Chinese Malign Influence Fund.

In addition, the Budget provides USD 682 million for Ukraine, an increase of USD 219 million above the 2021 enacted level, to counter Russian malign influence and to meet emerging needs related to security, energy, cybersecurity issues, disinformation, macroeconomic stabilization, and civil society resilience.

According to the White House’s Department Of Defence’s 2023 Pacific Deterrence Initiative, highlights some of the key investments the Department is making that are focused on strengthening deterrence in the Indo-Pacific region.

The Department is building the concepts, capabilities, and posture necessary to meet these challenges, working in concert with the interagency and US allies and partners to ensure US deterrence is integrated across domains, theatres, and the spectrum of conflict, it said.

What the US Indo-Pacific Strategy Is Missing

The Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific strategy rests on old assumptions that fail to account for the region’s dynamics and complexity.

The Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific strategy misses the mark by failing to account for the region’s dynamics and complexity. Since the Obama administration’s “Pivot to Asia,” the U.S. has increasingly expanded its geographic vision of the Asia-Pacific to incorporate the Indian Ocean region.

However, this reframing of the Asia-Pacific as the Indo-Pacific is undermined by policies that exhibit a contradictory logic. On one hand, it recognizes the political, economic, and social dynamics that increasingly tie the polities of the Pacific and Indian Oceans, which has turned the region into the driver of the global economy.

On the other hand, U.S. strategy and policy toward the region rely on decades-old assumptions about trade, norms, and regional politics that are unsuited for today’s environment.

In other words, the reality of the region’s plurality and transformation is clashing with Washington’s status quo politics. This contradiction needs to be accounted for as the Biden administration pursues deepening engagement in the Indo-Pacific, particularly because it produces tensions in vital policy areas.

As Secretary of State Antony Blinken recently recognized during a speech in Jakarta in December, the Indo-Pacific is the fastest growing region in the world, accounting for two-thirds of global growth in the last five years. Despite this, the administration’s strategy lacks a genuine trade policy for the region.

Instead, it has repackaged existing programs on supply chain resiliency, clean energy, and infrastructure. While these are certainly important areas of economic cooperation, this strategy fails to account for regional economic trends – particularly the fact that in the last two decades the region has increasingly become economically integrated through a series of free trade agreements (FTAs), several of which incorporate China but not the United States. As a result, the U.S. economic position in the region has receded over the past decade.

These FTAs play an important role in standard-setting across various sectors. Given the market size of China, India, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), standards developed among these actors are likely to dominate key areas of emerging technologies and services. The United States’ lack of participation in these regional FTAs means that the Indo-Pacific will increasingly set standards without Washington having a voice in the decision-making process.

Furthermore, the absence of U.S. membership in key free trade blocs in the region, such as RCEP and CPTPP, is likely to affect market access over time. Collectively, these two dynamics will reduce the competitiveness of U.S. firms. Another tension that emerges in the strategy involves the question of norms. So far, there seems to be little indication that the Biden administration has significantly deviated from the normative underpinnings of his predecessor’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific white papers.

In essence, the promotion of democracy, good governance, rule of law, and strategic partnerships and alliances continues to dominate the normative agenda for region. While these are laudable goals, the administration will have to consider two important factors: the degree to which countries in the region share these norms and whether they share similar interpretations of these norms. In both areas, there is likely to be friction. On the first question, many Indo-Pacific countries appear to agree with the administration’s view of norms.

However, there is no denying that the success of any U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy will need to rely on the cooperation of states that may not necessarily share its views. Even those that are likely to be attracted to these values remain staunchly protective of their sovereignty and perceive outside influence as interference in their internal affairs.

This tension is something that Beijing has capitalized on through its promotion of non-interference. Consequently, the United States risks alienating potential partners if its normative aims are not flexible enough to account for the plurality of the region. The challenge over norms is compounded by divergent interpretations. For example, while members of the Quad and ASEAN have voiced support for freedom of navigation and share the perception that China poses a threat to it, several states in these groups – including India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, and others – have different interpretations of the norm.

These differences are particularly prescient regarding key components of freedom of navigation such as innocent passage of military vessels and surveillance operations in Exclusive Economic Zones. In some regards, these countries’ interpretations align more closely with those of China. Furthermore, while discussions of freedom of navigation often refer to possible threats to the flow of maritime trade, there is no evidence that China has impeded this flow or plans to do so given its reliance on sea lanes across the region.

Finally, the strategy fails to account for divergent interpretations of the geographic boundaries of the Indo-Pacific. This is an overlooked but crucial point, given that states formulate policies regarding the prioritization of security partners and the allocation of resources, as well as the membership and agenda of regional institutions, based on how they frame regional spaces.

For example, among the Quad countries, Japan has the most expansive interpretation of the Indo-Pacific, spanning from East Africa to the U.S. west coast, linking free trade agreements, infrastructure initiatives, development aid, and security agreements integrated within a coherent Indo-Pacific strategy. However, India has the most limited interpretation, focused primarily on the Indian Ocean region and the South China Sea.

India’s strategy also involves very limited economic and security aims, and lacks a coherent strategy for the region. These differences affect areas in which the Biden administration is likely to find a convergence of interests and likelihood of cooperation as well as areas in which interests diverge and cooperation will be lacking.

If the Indo-Pacific is vital to the security and prosperity of the United States, the Biden administration’s strategy is not up to the task. It suffers from the main shortcomings of its predecessors: failing to account for the dynamism of the region by relying on policies that seek to safeguard a status quo that no longer exists and assuming that U.S. policy preferences are likely to resonate across the region.

As the administration looks to implement and possibly modify the strategy, it would be prudent to account for the dynamism and complexity of the region. While this is certain to complicate strategy formulation and implementation, it is likelier to reflect the realities on the ground. More importantly, it is more likely to improve the ability of the U.S. to compete and secure its interests in the region.

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